Revolutionary Iran: A History of the Islamic Republic First Edition

In Revolutionary Iran: A History of the Islamic Republic, Michael Axworthy provides an engaging and informative account of Iran's history since 1979.In November of 1977, President Carter welcomed the Shah to the White House. Protesters greeted the Shah outside the White House grounds. William Sullivan, US Ambassador to Iran, "noted with surprise that some of them carried placards with Khomeini's face." The placards surprised Queen Farah, unable to "understand why students with a progressive political agenda would take as their hero someone she regarded as a reactionary traditionalist."On 7 January 1978, the paper Ettela'at published an article (approved by the Shah) which attacked Khomeini politically and personally. "Many of the religious class were outraged," and the article ignited waves of protests. Gradually, the upheaval forced formerly apolitical clerics to join Khomeini in opposition to the Shah.From his exile in Paris, Khomeini kept the protests focused on the removal of the Shah. That an Islamic republic would replace the Shah was a secondary focus. Khomeini remained evasive on how such a republic would govern.Given Iran's history, both the Shah and his opposition were suspicious of foreign influence. Believing that he had accomplished so much for Iran, the Shah blamed external manipulation for the revolution. On the side of the revolution, there were fears that a foreign power would intervene on to keep the Shah in control.At first, it appeared that the Islamic republic's constitution would be "moderate, democratic, [and] almost secular." Such was the first draft that Khomeini declared to be "correct." However, President Abolhasan Bani-Sadr and Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan objected to the constitution "entering into effect" without debate "by an elected body." This well-intended stance "proved to be a major mistake by the moderates and leftists," and allowed "radical clerics" to frame the republic's constitution.As the debate over the constitution unfolded, a group of students (acting on their own) took control of the US embassy in Tehran. Recognizing the embassy takeover's political value, Khomeini decided to let the occupation continue, referring to the embassy as a "nest" of spies. Discovered within the embassy were documents showing "contacts between liberal figures and the US government." The discovery of these documents helped Khomeini to tarnish his political opponents as American sympathizers. The embassy takeover may have helped Khomeini domestically. However, internationally it ushered Iran into a "twilight zone of diplomatic breakdown and international isolation."Believing Iran to be "weakened by revolutionary turmoil," Saddam Hussein invaded Iran on 22 September 1980. The initial fighting showed the Iraqi air force's weakness compared to the Iranian air force, flying American F-14s purchased under the Shah. Despite their success, the regime questioned Iranian pilots' loyalty, since the Shah had been a pilot and especially favored the air force. One pilot expressed that he and his fellow pilots were treated "like CIA agents."Iraq received military assistance from France and loans from Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Israel and the US covertly supplied Iran with arms. Israel saw Saddam as a more significant threat than Iran, and the US hoped for better relations with Iran. Exposed in 1986 as the Iran-Contra affair, Israel supplied Iran "with much-needed weapons." In turn, Iran paid Israel, the US resupplied Israel, and Israel channeled "the proceeds of the sales to the Contra rebels in Nicaragua." Lastly, "Iran was to use its influence to bring about the release of American hostages being held in by pro-Iranian groups in Lebanon."In 1982, as Iran and Iraq continued to fight, Saddam suggested that the two countries join "forces against the Israeli invasion of Lebanon." The fighters Iran sent to Lebanon "later became the core of Lebanese Hezbollah." Along with this organization was the "closely related" Islamic Jihad, consisting of "Shi'as who had been active with the PLO." In 1983, Islamic Jihad carried out two suicide bombings against the US in Lebanon and one against Israel in Lebanon. The attacks and the Iran-Contra affair's exposure caused the US to shift its support to Iraq in the Iran-Iraq war.One of the most controversial aspects of the Iran-Iraq War was Saddam's use of chemical weapons on Iranian troops and Iraqi Kurds at Halabja. Later in the war, Iranian forces were equipped with gas masks, but many suffered skin and long-term lung damage from mustard gas early in the war. Although it later emerged that only Iraq had used chemical weapons at Halabja, the US, based on "Iraqi intelligence," stated that "both sides had used chemical weapons around Halabja."Near the end of the war, Iraq staged an offensive into Iran using "Iranian exiles" affiliated with the Mojahedin-e Khalq Organization (MKO), an Iranian leftist opposition group. The failed offensive resulted in a purging of MKO members languishing in Iranian prisons. At the same time, younger people who had only passed out MKO literature "were executed along with unrepentant, diehard MKO activists."Despite the tremendous toll the war took on Iran, it emerged with a sense of confidence in its independence. Iran now looked to no "other country for support, advice, help or guidance." Pride of autonomy "and the anxiety lest the country slip back into dependency, go a long way to explain what for many foreigners seems inexplicable about contemporary Iran."In 1997, Iran elected Mohammad Khatami, a scholarly man, then "serving as the head of the National Library." Khatami was a reformist who "in his first term as president" opened "up freedom of speech," enabling many publications to be "strongly critical of the previous conduct of government."Khatami also sought to improve Iran's relationship with the US. "Iran had been supporting the Northern Alliance" in Afghanistan against the Taliban, supported by "the US, Saudis, and Pakistan." The US turned against the Taliban and united with the Northern Alliance after the Taliban "refused to render up Al-Qaeda operators connected to the 11 September 2001 attacks." Iran "facilitated" the cooperation between the US and the Northern Alliance, and granted "permission for overflights by US aircraft."Improved US-Iran relations now seemed like a possibility. Instead, in January 2002, President Bush dubbed Iran, Iraq, and North Korea as the "Axis of Evil." In 2003, Iran saw the possibility of "action against Iran" after the toppling of Sadaam in Iraq. Working with the Swiss Ambassador in Tehran, Tim Guldimann, Iran prepared a "draft of proposals for negotiation" with the US. The proposal included "the question of Iran's nuclear" program, "Iran's support for Lebanese Hezbollah, Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and recognition (in effect) of Israel itself." Secretary of State Colin Powell and National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice "argued for a positive response to the Iranians." However, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Vice President Dick Cheney "vetoed the proposal."Khatami's failed diplomatic overtures to the US helped to embolden his hard-line opponents. Also, Khamtami's non-confrontational leadership style disheartened his supporters. These factors lead to the election of Mahmud Ahmadinejad in 2005, a conservative from "humble rural origins."Unlike Khatami, Ahmadinejad embraced confrontation, taking an in-your-face attitude to the US, and openly airing doubts about the Holocaust. In 2009, Iranians "hoped the elections would produce an Iranian leader with a new, positive outlook." Instead, Ahmadinejad was reelected in what was widely believed to be a rigged outcome. The 2009 election resulted in widespread street protests. Images of the protests and the brutal government crackdown found their way to social media, resulting in the government "closing down telephone and internet communications."Since 1979, Iran "has been subject to trade sanctions imposed by the US." Sanctioned goods still find their way into Iran "via Dubia" from "wealthy Iranians," or from "trade relations with countries like China and Russia." The result is that Sepah (Iran's internal security force) profits from and controls "the flow of goods through a bottleneck." Additionally, those "mostly closely identified with reform and opposition in Iran, the liberal middle classes, have seen their businesses punished by sanctions."All told, this is an informative study. Once again, I hope this summary does justice to the book.

This book is essential reading to understand the Islamic revolution of 1979 and the politics of Iran today. Published in 2013, it is recent enough to include most events leading up to the nuclear deal of 2015 (JCPOA). The author traveled to Iran from an early age, and served in Tehran as head of the British Foreign Office from 1998-2000. He now directs the center for Iranian studies at Exeter University and provides consulting on Iran for government and business interests.It is a balanced account of the revolution, and includes many other relevant events before and after. In the US opinions are strong when topics of Iranian history and politics are raised. For US foreign policy few countries have greater importance in 2018. Recently US continued participation in the JCPOA has been questioned, and Iran's role in regional conflicts has been criticized in the UN.Michael Axworthy begins by asking how the leadership of the revolution fell to the clergy in 1979. Since the Safavid Dynasty in 1501, a hierarchy of Shia clerics held power alongside the royalty of Iran. The Shia sect defines Islam in Iran, in contrast to the mainly Sunni middle east. Shia have fought dynastic rule from the death of Muhammad's grandson Husayn at the hand of the caliphate in 680.In the early 20th C. Iran's first movement to replace the monarchy with a constitutional democracy was endorsed by the clergy. Economic pressures from Britain and Russia's 'great game' had weakened the royal dynasty and caused widespread unrest. The new constitution recognized Sharia and Shi'ism and limited the power of the Shah. But as the elected legislative body began to modernize the state, support from the clergy wained and royalists rallied to regain power.A survey through the seven decades preceding the second revolution follows. Oil was found, WWI was waged, and the Pahlavi dynasty was created with the help of British intercession. In the 20's and 30's Reza Shah remade the military and educational systems, and attempted to secularize society. Reform turned into repression, until he was deposed for not cooperating with the Allies during WWII.The 50's brought further exploitation of oil by foreign powers, and the rise of nationalism (anti-imperialist, anti-monarchist and anti-clerical). Democratically elected Prime Minister Mosaddegh was partly backed by left-wing pro-Russian elements. He was toppled by the CIA and MI6 in cold war Operation Ajax, with the clergy conspiring to oust him. Shah Reza Pahlavi, who had replaced his father at the behest of the British, also cooperated with the plot and was now seen to be an instrument of US foreign policy.The new Shah oversaw a tremendous expansion of oil-based wealth. But a quarter-century of autocratic rule followed before enough pressure had built for the dam to burst. The Shah had stamped out all opposition with the exception of the clergy, who were protected by their faith-based following. After the revolution, the story continues with the first supreme leader Ayatollah Khomeini, the hostage crisis, Iran-Iraq war, Iran-Contra affair, Rushdie fatwa and on through the nineties and new millennium.Coverage of the more recent years leads through a labyrinth of interparty political struggles that tend toward tedium. As we approach the 30th year since the second supreme leader Ali Khamenei's ascension to power (and his 80th birthday) one cannot help but wonder what will happen next, especially in view of the massive protests of late 2017-early 2018, and entanglements with international insurgencies.Some questions will inevitably arise: Is this book Pro-Iran or Anti-Iran? Is it Pro-West or Anti-West? Axworthy is on the side of better understanding and improved relations between the West and Iran. He is critical of foreign interventions in the region, as well as authoritarian aspects of recent regimes. The book clearly presents modern Iran through current events, and poses the dilemmas now faced.

The Shah's Iran was horrid but backed by the West in its own interests. What then happened was very interesting, the establishment of a one party, religious state in the latter part of the 20 century. Well written.

Excellent. Well and clearly written. Easy to read. for greater depth after reading chapter 1 read Keddie the Roots of Revolution. Then return to this.

Long, overly complicated sentences made it difficult to read. Gave up circa 100 pages in. A shame as its an interesting subject.

Very good read explaining a troubled State.

Excellent detailed overview of recent Iranian history. Essential reading for any prospective visitors. Dispassionate analysis of internal and external influences. And just a bloody good read from cover to cover!